The progress of Fascismo toward a veritable religion was illustrated some months ago when Mussolini wrote in the preface of the published resolutions of the Grand Council of Facismo that this is “the book of our faith;” the “infallible compass of their every activity.” Facismo, he declares, “has buried forever” the old liberal democratic regime and erected the glorious edifice of Facismo in its stead.
The fasces of the lictor, the party symbol of the Fascisti, has been placed on the national flag beside the royal arms, as it has for months stood over government buildings. So sacred is Facismo that an Italian who speaks disrespectfully of it even in a foreign country is liable to severe punishment if he falls into the clutches of the supporters of Mussolini. Some weeks ago an Italian who had spoken against Fascism in America was, on returning to Italy, sentenced to twelve years and a half imprisonment, with three years special police supervision afterwards.
The latest and most astonishing move of these energetic tyrants is the proposal of a law, which will presumably be registered by Mussolini’s obedient Parliament without undue speech-making, for prohibiting any candidates except those of Facismo, and turning over the selection of these largely to the Fascisti Grand Council. As this body is appointed by Mussolini, the new measure will even more rigidly fix the hold of the dictator on the country.
Under the law previously passed by the Fascisti, any party that gets a majority in the parliamentary elections is given two thirds of the representatives. But this seems not sufficiently iron-bound. Under the new plan, candidates for Parliament can be nominated only by Fascisti lodges or approved associations or by the Fascist Grand Council. The thirteen organizations into which Fascism has regimented the workers of all ranks will prepare a list of a certain number of candidates. The Fascist Grand Council will eliminate from these any of doubtful Fascist loyalty, and will substitute others of its own selection. They will also complete the list of candidates by adding a large number of other names, without regard to territorial divisions. The entire four hundred, to which the chamber is to be reduced from its present 560, will then be submitted to popular vote. But no one will be allowed to vote who is not in good standing in one of the thirteen national organizations approved by Fascismo.
The reception of the proposal is of course enthusiastic, as virtually every actively anti-Fascist paper has been suppressed. The Giornale D’Italia declares that “though profoundly reactionary, the reform remains within the spirit of the great constitutions of modern civilized states.” But where any such spirit of absolutism is to be found except at the other pole of despotism, Russia, is not specified. The Tribuna goes even further, and welcomes the virtual suppression of elections, with their expense and agitation. “Above all this,” exclaims this new priest of the divine right of rulers, “in the new organization of the state there is to be the leader who cannot be confined within any law, but who is given to us by the will of God.”
“Eternal vigilance is the price of liberty,” has been the slogan of free peoples. But Italy, like Germany under Bismarck, has lost for the time being its desire for liberty. When the enthusiasm for the brilliant leader who now rules Italy as no man since Napoleon has dominated a great state has passed into disgust at the restraints of autocracy which no longer appear to confer material and patriotic benefits, there will be a confused story to tell; and there must follow a long toil back toward the ideals of freedom for which Italy has so far proved herself unprepared.
Southern Christian Advocate, Charleston, SC, November 24, 1927